By Amos Harel
This is the 1st accomplished account of the development of the second one Lebanese warfare, from the border abduction of an Israeli soldier at the morning of July 12, 2006, in the course of the hasty selection for an competitive reaction; the fateful discussions within the cupboard and the senior Israeli command; to the heavy combating in south Lebanon and the raging diplomatic battles in Paris, Washington and New York.
The e-book solutions the next questions: has Israel realized the proper classes from this failed military confrontation? What can Western nations study from the IDF's failure opposed to a fundamentalist Islamic terror organization? And what function did Iran and Syria play during this affair?
34 Days delivers the 1st blow-by-blow account of the Lebanon warfare and new insights for the way forward for the area and its results at the West.
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Extra info for 34 Days: Israel, Hezbollah, and the War in Lebanon
Extraordinary powers of leadership are required in order to hold all these together. At the moment, they have such a leader. But if a successor were to Barak Promises 37 appear in the future who does not possess this kind of control, Lebanon and to the entire region could find itself under serious threat. The organization’s famous discipline would collapse and anonymous, well-armed groups would rise instead of the unified Hezbollah. ” YOU CAN KEEP THE CAKE In many ways, the 1990s were the most successful period in Hezbollah history.
About two years after Gerstein’s death, his friend Colonel Moshe (Chico) Tamir took part in a roadnaming ceremony in his name in Metulla, Israel’s northernmost town, across the border from Lebanon. The ceremony was attended mainly by members of the “Lebanon guard” (as Tamir coined it). ” According to Tamir, the IDF of the 1990s was often a clumsy, weighty army, too slow to understand what was happening in Lebanon and, time after time, choosing destructive and misguided tactics in its war against Hezbollah.
Israel’s invasion of Lebanon facilitated the foundation of Hezbollah. The IDF had driven out the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from southern Lebanon and created a comfortable space for Shiite organizations to fill. First Amal and, later, Hezbollah entered the region, established themselves in it, and then took control. At the same time, the war had weakened the (already frail) central government in Beirut—the army and judicial system barely had any authority there—and allowed Iran and Hezbollah to establish what was virtually a separate autonomy in the Beqaa Valley, which is located in the eastern part of the country, close to the Syrian border.
34 Days: Israel, Hezbollah, and the War in Lebanon by Amos Harel